President Lee Jae-myung's luncheon with former President Moon Jae-in goes beyond mere courtesy between past and present leaders. The Blue House announced that President Lee will dine with former President Moon on July 1 at 11:30 a.m. This meeting is significant due to its timing. Within the ruling party, tensions surrounding party direction and leadership have been heightened by former Democratic Party leader Jeong Cheong-rae's bid for re-election. Jeong has already stepped down from his position and is reportedly preparing to challenge for re-election ahead of the August 17 party convention.
Adding fuel to the fire is writer Yoo Si-min's so-called 'expansion versus reconstruction' theory. Yoo likened President Lee's efforts to broaden his support base to a desire for reconstruction, while the core supporters seem to prefer mere expansion. In response to these comments, some within the ruling party have emphasized the need for unity and solidarity, stating, "Now is the time to hold our tongues."
However, given the current situation in South Korea, the debate must elevate to a broader level. The issue is not about who represents the traditional support base more authentically. The real question is whether South Korea can manage the multifaceted crises it faces, including the AI era, U.S.-China strategic competition, the war in Ukraine, conflicts in the Middle East, supply chain restructuring, low birth rates and aging populations, regional extinction, and industrial restructuring. Politics can no longer be confined to internal power struggles; the nation must be redesigned. In this context, South Korea has entered an era of reconstruction rather than mere expansion.
Of course, reconstruction should not negate the past. The Moon Jae-in administration left behind both assets and limitations. There is pride in the democracy fostered by the Roh Moo-hyun administration and a legacy of peace and informatization from the Kim Dae-jung administration. The task for the Lee Jae-myung administration is not to dismantle this history but to reorganize the national governance system to fit the new era. Old pipes must be repaired, shaky pillars reinforced, and new floors added where necessary. That is true reconstruction.
Former President Moon's role is significant in this process. He remains a symbolic asset for the democratic reform movement, with a strong and cohesive support base. Influential figures known as 'Moon Jae-in's supporters,' including former Justice Minister Cho Kuk, broadcaster Kim Eo-jun, former leader Jeong Cheong-rae, and writer Yoo Si-min, each wield considerable influence in their own right. If they view President Lee solely as a target for oversight, the Democratic Party risks undermining its own strength. Conversely, if they constructively contribute to the success of the administration, the party can regain the stability and expansiveness characteristic of a ruling party.
What President Lee needs now is not blind praise but responsible support and dignified advice. Former President Moon, as a senior leader with governance experience, understands the weight and loneliness of the presidency better than anyone. Governance is not merely an election campaign; it cannot rely solely on rallying supporters. The economy must be revitalized, diplomacy managed, security upheld, and future industries developed. If President Lee chooses a centrist and pragmatic approach, it should not be seen as betrayal but as a necessity of governance.
Political parties operate on the passion of their supporters, but the state must be responsible for the lives of all citizens. The Democratic Party must recognize this difference to truly survive. The party must evolve from its pre-election identity to one that reflects its governing role. The language of the opposition and that of the ruling party must differ. While criticism is necessary, if it devolves into internal strife, the momentum for governance weakens. Reform is essential, but if it is disconnected from the lives of citizens and driven by partisan logic, the centrist electorate will turn away.
Former leader Jeong Cheong-rae's role must also be reassessed. He is a politician with strong reformist qualities and popular appeal. However, the position of party leader should not only represent the cheers of supporters. It must support the president's governance, mediate internal conflicts, and demonstrate the ruling party's sense of responsibility to the entire nation. If Jeong challenges for party leadership again, the core criterion must be whether it contributes to President Lee's governance success, aids the Democratic Party's nationalization, and strengthens the national reconstruction of South Korea.
Yoo Si-min's concerns should also be taken seriously. The anxiety and sense of alienation felt by core supporters are not trivial matters. However, the language of politics must broaden. If President Lee speaks of reconstruction, it should not be a reconstruction that drives out existing supporters. It must be a reconstruction that builds a home for all citizens, where long-time supporters, newly engaged supporters, centrists, youth, workers, and regional citizens can coexist.
The state in the AI era is different from the past. It now requires a comprehensive redesign of education, industry, defense, administration, media, finance, healthcare, transportation, and energy. Policies on semiconductors, AI data centers, physical AI and robotics, digital governance, fake news response, regional balanced development, and talent cultivation are not separate issues; they form a unified national survival strategy. In such times, if the ruling party becomes mired in internal disputes, the public will be disappointed. Citizens will ask, "Are you planning to fix the country, or are you just fighting among yourselves over who is in charge?"
Thus, the luncheon between former President Moon and President Lee is crucial. The message that should emerge from this meeting is not mere pleasantries. It must emphasize cooperation for governance success, unification of the democratic reform camp, politics of national integration, and the necessity of national reconstruction in the AI era. Former presidents should assist the current president's success, and the current president should respect the history and support base of former presidents. That is the dignity of politics.
The path for the Democratic Party to survive lies here. The party is not the property of any specific faction. The peace and human rights championed by Kim Dae-jung, the participatory democracy of Roh Moo-hyun, the candlelight government of Moon Jae-in, and the pragmatic reforms of Lee Jae-myung should not be in conflict but should flow together as one great river. When that river divides, the regime weakens; when it merges, the nation moves forward.
What is needed now is not a debate over expansion versus reconstruction. What is needed is the courage for national reconstruction to rebuild South Korea. Old systems must be repaired, broken trust restored, and new avenues for growth in the AI era opened. In this journey, former President Moon, President Lee, and those known as 'Moon Jae-in's supporters' must become complementary to one another rather than adversarial.
For the Democratic Party to thrive, 'Moon Jae-in's supporters' must assist President Lee. President Lee must also respect the assets and support base from the Moon Jae-in era. Former leader Jeong Cheong-rae must look beyond the pros and cons of party leadership to the broader path of governance success. Writer Yoo Si-min should also engage in the larger framework of national reconstruction beyond intellectual criticism.
South Korea now stands in a world of great chaos. The lines between friend and foe are blurred, and technology, security, and the economy are intertwined. In such times, politics must not shrink; it must be expansive. The Democratic Party must not diminish; it must become a ruling party that encompasses all citizens. May today's luncheon between former President Moon and President Lee be the starting point for moving beyond expansion to reconstruction, beyond factions to the nation, and beyond partisanship to the future. That is the path that South Korean politics must take now.
* This article has been translated by AI.
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