The government’s public consultation on the age cutoff for criminal responsibility — the standard that defines so-called “juvenile offenders below the age of criminal responsibility” — is reportedly moving toward keeping the current rule. Under the existing system, children under age 14 are subject to protective measures rather than criminal punishment, and the government is expected to focus on strengthening safeguards instead of changing the age threshold immediately.
If that conclusion follows a two-month deliberation process, it deserves respect. But it should not end the debate. The central issue is not whether to lower the age by one year, but how to reduce youth crime and help young offenders return to society without reoffending.
The system was designed to prioritize correction and protection over imposing adult-style penalties on immature adolescents. It reflects the view that teenagers’ judgment and impulse control are still developing and that many can improve with changes in their environment. Internationally, juvenile justice has also tended to emphasize recovery and reintegration over punishment. Lowering the age of criminal punishment simply in response to public anger should be approached with caution.
At the same time, public anxiety cannot be dismissed. Many people say youth crime feels more brutal and more organized. In cases involving school violence, group assaults, sex crimes and online offenses, a perception has spread that some minors use their age as a shield. For victims and their families, it can feel like offenders “escape responsibility simply because they are young.” If the system drifts too far from public common sense, trust in the law can erode.
If the government keeps the current age standard, it should present effective complementary measures at the same time.
First, it should strengthen the effectiveness of protective measures for youths who commit repeated or serious crimes. Critics say current options — such as sending offenders to juvenile facilities or placing them under probation — are often insufficient to prevent repeat offenses. Authorities should reinforce management systems that combine tailored psychological treatment, support for returning to school, job training and family counseling.
Second, victim protection should be placed at the center of the system. Until now, juvenile justice has often focused on guiding and rehabilitating young offenders. Measures such as victim recovery support, restraining orders, counseling assistance and links to compensation should be pursued in parallel to increase public acceptance.
Third, prevention systems in schools and local communities should be rebuilt. Many youth crimes are tied to family breakdown, dropping out of school, neglect and addiction. Relying mainly on sending cases to court after an incident has clear limits. Education and welfare networks need to be tighter to identify at-risk youths early and intervene sooner.
Fourth, the government should create a mechanism to revisit the policy based on statistics and evidence. It should regularly disclose changes in crime patterns, recidivism rates and the effectiveness of protective measures, and establish procedures to review the system again after a set period. This is not an issue to seal off once a decision is made.
Debates over juvenile offenders below the age of criminal responsibility often become emotional. Calls for harsher punishment may ease anger but fail to solve the problem, while a protection-first approach can lose credibility if it ignores public fears. The government should use the consultation results to move beyond a simple choice between tougher punishment and human rights protection and build a practical system to prevent repeat offenses.
The goal in responding to juvenile crime is not to send children to prison. It is to stop them from committing crimes again. What matters more than the number is whether the system works — and what the public ultimately seeks is safety and recovery.
* This article has been translated by AI.
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